Student Left-wing Fascism

Student Study

Left-wing fascism and left fascism are sociological and philosophical terms used to categorise real or perceived tendencies in extreme left-wing politics otherwise commonly attributed to the tendencies in and around the ideology of Fascism. Left-wing ideology is beyond doubt firmly rooted in fascist and even nazi political thinking.
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Fascism has historically been considered a far right ideology, but crossovers may be expected according to the theory of extremes meet (French: Les extrêmes se touchent), where the touching point between the far left and the far right may be the malevolent use of power and/or fascist behaviour, as we see very clearly these days with the far left-wing fascists within UK university campuses.
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Syntagmas such as left-wing fascism provide shorthand labels, but they lack any universally understood or agreed meaning and in common parlance may be used as a pejorative for any left-wing political position, or where unusual (or contradictory) hybrid political positions are perceived.

The term has its origins with criticism by Vladimir Lenin of the threat of anti-Marxist ultra leftism, before being formulated as a position by sociologists Jürgen Habermas and Irving Louis Horowitz.

Usage

Students at universities throughout the UK are now beginning to make a stand and confront the scourge of far left-wing probity-ringer liberal elite Marxist militant anti-democratic student unions who have been accused of alleged anti-Semitism, totalitarian Communist Political Correctness and tyrannical left-wing fascism.

The most prominent early user of the term left-fascism was Jürgen Habermas, a sociologist and philosopher influenced by the neo-Marxist Frankfurt School and the birth of left-wing fascist political correctness.

Political correctness is nothing but a tool used by the left-wing to close down debate, shut people up and to maintain the upper hand by shaming opponents into silence and to prevent examination and exposure of the true intentions of far left-wing fascism.

Supposed political correctness, however, is undermining our real decent true morality and deflecting our efforts to combat the evil of leftist PC anti-British activity and intellectual depravity.

Political correctness actually stirs up hatred by bringing attention to differences in the first place, and then using those differences for its own agenda of divide and rule.

He used the term in the 1960s to distance the Frankfurt School from the violence and authoritarianism of left-wing fascist nazis.

The origins of nazism are also firmly fixed within left-wing ideology.

The modern day far left-wing progressives can be traced back in ideological terms to left-wing nazism, which has now been thoroughly researched and exposed as left-wing in ideology and policy – very similar to the left-wing fascists.

This is something that the far left-wing has desperately tried to keep under wraps since the war, and in modern times they have done this by using political correctness to silence all criticism or scrutiny of the real intentions behind left-wing fascist ideology by calling non-conformists (racists) or (fascists) if they voiced opinion contrary to leftist thinking.

Habermas, whose work emphasizes the importance of rational discourse, democratic institutions and opposition to violence, has made important contributions to conflict theory and is often associated with the radical left.

Sociologist Irving Louis Horowitz, in his 1984 book “Winners and Losers”, built on Vladimir Lenin’s work “Left-Wing” Communism: An Infantile Disorder.

Lenin describes the enemies of the working class as opportunists and petty-bourgeois revolutionaries, which he links to anarchism.

Horowitz argues that there was a similar political strain in the 1980s, which he characterizes as “left-wing fascism”.

Horowitz argues that it is dangerous to assume clear distinctions between left, centre and right, and that various combinations are possible.

He warned of “left fascism” during later years of the European Years of Lead, which were rife with red-black terrorist groups such as the German Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF) and the Italian Red Brigades, which had mixed left- and right-wing influences.

Horowitz argues that “left-wing fascism” in the United States, as in the UK and Europe, is capable of combining very different ideological strains into a political formula that has the potential for mass appeal.

He argues that it operates through mystified language, attributes faults “everywhere and always in an imperial conspiracy of wealth, power or status” and uses anti-Semitism as a pseudo-populist tool.

A tenet of “left-wing fascism” in the UK and the United States is a rejection of true morality and the democratic system, and an assertion of socialism and political correctness with the silencing of freedom of speech as replacement, dressed up to look like a righteous option by championing causes claiming to be in defence of the oppressed when in reality they are just using this facade as a front.

Left-wing fascists uniquely examine socialism without comment on the activities in the Soviet Union and the atrocities carried out in the name of left-wing so called idealism.

The potential false and fake immoral strength of left-wing fascism, which was practiced by Lyndon LaRouche‘s National Caucus of Labor Committees is in the combination of motivating principles for development of a new fascist social order.

The effectiveness is seen in the success in building single-issue alliances with the far right who the left-wing anti-Semitic fascist nazis claim to be against, but also at the same time infiltrating so called progressive student unions for the purpose of student brainwashing and activism in the name of anti-fascism, when in actual fact the left-wing are the very real fascists and racists themselves.

In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the term left fascism has been used to describe unusual hybrid political alliances.

Historian Richard Wolin has used the term left fascism in arguing that some European intellectuals have been infatuated with post-modernist or anti-enlightenment theories, opening up the opportunity for cult-like, irrational, anti-democratic positions that combine characteristics of the Left with those of fascism.

Bernard-Henri Lévy, a philosopher and journalist, calls this political hybrid neo-progressivism, new barbarism or red fascism.

We see today within the UK anti-American, anti-imperialism, and left-wing nazi fascist anti-Semitism within the so called righteous liberal elite leftist organisations.

See also